Friends and Enemies: The Natal Campaign in the South African War 1899-1902, Hugh Rethman

Friends and Enemies: The Natal Campaign in the South African War 1899-1902, Hugh Rethman

Friends and Enemies: The Natal Campaign in the South African War 1899-1902, Hugh Rethman

Friends and Enemies: The Natal Campaign in the South African War 1899-1902, Hugh Rethman

This book focuses on the Boer War in Natal, and in particular on the role played by military units raised in Natal and the fate of the civilian population of the area. It covers some of the most famous battles of the war, mainly focuses around the siege of Ladysmith and the British attempts to raise the siege.

It’s fair to say that the author doesn’t like the Boers much - indeed on occasion he comes across as being angry about their actions during the war (this might have more to do with more recent Afrikaner attempts to re-write history). He also isn’t terribly impressed with most of the British regular officers involved in the war, although in this case his attitude is more wide-spread, as many of the senior officers involved in the early part of the war performed fairly woefully.

We start with a history of the Boer Republics, Natal and the relationship between the two. It’s nice to read an account of the outbreak of the war that doesn’t place all the blame on the British, although the author probably goes a bit too far the other way, and places almost all of the blame on the Boers. There is then an examination of the opposing forces, with a focus on the volunteer units that were raised in Natal, and went onto to play an impressive part in the conflict to come. Most of the book covers the campaign itself, starting with the first battles around Dundee in the north, and moving on to the siege of Ladysmith and the prolonged and often fairly disastrous British attempts to raise the siege.

The book is excellent on the contribution of those units raised in Natal, and on the fate of the non-Boer citizens of occupied northern Natal, giving a different twist to the accounts of some of the most famous battles of the war. The bulk of the book covers the early period of the war, which moved away from Natal in the later, longer, guerrilla phase of the conflict, but covers the events of 1899-early 1900 in impressive detail, giving a particularly vivid portray of life within besieged Ladysmith.

Chapters
1 - War Imminent
2 - The Boer Republics
3 - Dissent in the Transvaal
4 - The Colony of Natal
5 - The Opposing Forces
6 - Invasion of Northern Natal
7 - Border Patrol
8 - Battle of Talana Hill
9 - Battle of Elandslaagte
10 - Fall-out from Elandslaagte
11 - Retreat of Dundee column to Ladysmith
12 - Situation in Ladysmith
13 - Investment of Ladysmith
14 - Defence of Natal Midlands
15 - Inside Ladysmith
16 - Battle of Colenso
17 - Boer attack on Ladysmith Defences
18 - Maladministration of Dundee by Boers
19 - Army moves west and a successful attack on Boer right flank
20 - Battle of Spion Kop
21 - Battle of Vaalkrantz. Distress of Besieged
22 - Boer Line breached. Siege Raised
23 - Relief of Mafeking. Treatment of prisoners by Boers
24 - Invaders chased out of Natal

Author: Hugh Rethman
Edition: Paperback
Pages: 400
Publisher: Tattered Flag
Year: 2015



When the Boer Republics invaded Natal in 1899, the invaders could have been driven out with casualties measured in hundreds. Instead Britain was to lose nearly 9,000 men killed in action, more than 13,000 to disease and a further 75,000 wounded and sick were invalided back to Britain. The war ended in 1902 with a very unsatisfactory Peace Treaty.

At the start of the conflict Britain’s Generals were faced with problems new to the military establishment. Shows of force did little to intimidate a determined opposition infantry charges against a hidden enemy armed with modern rifles resulted in a futile waste of lives. Artillery could now destroy unseen targets at great range. Lack of mobility resulted in more than half the army being besieged in Ladysmith bringing with it concomitant civilian involvement. Some generals learnt quickly – others were slower and yet others still, perhaps through pride and stubbornness, refused to alter their ways and thus their men paid with their lives. The bravery and sacrifice of men during the campaign have been described in many books, as have the faults – real and imagined – of the generals. But little attention has been paid to the greatest blunder of all: a failure to take proper cognizance of local advice, opinion and capability.

From the beginning, locally raised regiments demonstrated how the Boers might be defeated without incurring heavy casualties and, when they were finally given their head, they chased the invaders out of Natal while suffering only nominal casualties.

This deeply researched study of the Boer War includes, for the first time, the experiences of the inhabitants of Natal – soldier and civilian, men, women and children, black and white. Diaries and letters vividly portray the actions at Talana, Elandslaagte, Colenso, Acton Homes and Spion Kop, as well as the siege of Ladysmith in which 15,000 military personnel and 2,500 residents and refugees were incarcerated for four months, slowly but surely dying from starvation and sickness until their relief.

Before, during and after the Boer War many myths were created and facts hidden to suit political ends. The result was that lessons, which should have been learned were never adequately understood or applied. With the West still engaged in foreign wars, these old mistakes should be remembered and not repeated.

Friends and Enemies is the result of years of intensive research undertaken in archives in both South Africa and Britain. It offers an important and scholarly resource to students of nineteenth and twentieth century conflict.


Knox, Ernest Blake

New - Softcover
Condition: New

Softcover. Condition: New. Reprinted from 1902 edition. Pages: 416 Language: eng. NO changes have been made to the original text. This is NOT a retyped or an ocr'd reprint. Illustrations, Index, if any, are included in black and white. The content of this print on demand book has not been changed. Each page is checked manually before printing. As this reprint is from very old book, there could be some missing or flawed pages, but we always try to make the book as complete as possible. Fold-outs, if any, are not part of the book. If the original book was published in multiple volumes then this reprint is of only one volume, not the whole set. Sewing binding for longer life, where the book block is actually sewn (smythe sewn/section sewn) with thread before binding which results in a more durable type of binding. THERE MIGHT BE DELAY THAN THE ESTIMATED DELIVERY DATE DUE TO COVID-19.


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Friends and Enemies: The Natal Campaign in the South African War 1899-1902, Hugh Rethman - History


Beschreibung Friends and Enemies: The Natal Campaign in the South African War 1899-1902

When the Boer Republics invaded Natal in 1899, the invaders could have been driven out with casualties measured in hundreds. Instead Britain was to lose nearly 9,000 men killed in action, more than 13,000 to disease and a further 75,000 wounded and sick were invalided back to Britain. The war ended in 1902 with a very unsatisfactory Peace Treaty.At the start of the conflict Britain’s Generals were faced with problems new to the military establishment. Shows of force did little to intimidate a determined opposition infantry charges against a hidden enemy armed with modern rifles resulted in a futile waste of lives. Artillery could now destroy unseen targets at great range. Lack of mobility resulted in more than half the army being besieged in Ladysmith bringing with it concomitant civilian involvement. Some generals learnt quickly – others were slower and yet others still, perhaps through pride and stubbornness, refused to alter their ways and thus their men paid with their lives. The bravery and sacrifice of men during the campaign have been described in many books, as have the faults – real and imagined – of the generals. But little attention has been paid to the greatest blunder of all: a failure to take proper cognizance of local advice, opinion and capability.From the beginning, locally raised regiments demonstrated how the Boers might be defeated without incurring heavy casualties and, when they were finally given their head, they chased the invaders out of Natal while suffering only nominal casualties. This deeply researched study of the Boer War includes, for the first time, the experiences of the inhabitants of Natal – soldier and civilian, men, women and children, black and white. Diaries and letters vividly portray the actions at Talana, Elandslaagte, Colenso, Acton Homes and Spion Kop, as well as the siege of Ladysmith in which 15,000 military personnel and 2,500 residents and refugees were incarcerated for four months, slowly but surely dying from starvation and sickness until their relief.Before, during and after the Boer War many myths were created and facts hidden to suit political ends. The result was that lessons, which should have been learned were never adequately understood or applied. With the West still engaged in foreign wars, these old mistakes should be remembered and not repeated.Friends and Enemies is the result of years of intensive research undertaken in archives in both South Africa and Britain. It offers an important and scholarly resource to students of nineteenth and twentieth century conflict.
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Contents

Smuts was born on 24 May 1870, at the family farm, Bovenplaats, near Malmesbury, in the Cape Colony. His parents, Jacobus Smuts and his wife Catharina, were prosperous, traditional Afrikaner farmers, long established and highly respected. [3]

As the second son of the family, rural custom dictated that Jan would remain working on the farm. In this system, typically only the first son was supported for a full, formal education. In 1882, when Jan was twelve, his elder brother died, and Jan was sent to school in his place. Jan attended the school in nearby Riebeek West. He made excellent progress despite his late start, and caught up with his contemporaries within four years. He was admitted to Victoria College, Stellenbosch, in 1886, at the age of sixteen. [4]

At Stellenbosch, he learned High Dutch, German, and Ancient Greek, and immersed himself in literature, the classics, and Bible studies. His deeply traditional upbringing and serious outlook led to social isolation from his peers. He made outstanding academic progress, graduating in 1891 with double first-class honours in Literature and Science. During his last years at Stellenbosch, Smuts began to cast off some of his shyness and reserve. At this time he met Isie Krige, whom he later married. [5]

On graduation from Victoria College, Smuts won the Ebden scholarship for overseas study. He decided to attend the University of Cambridge in the United Kingdom to read law at Christ's College. [6] Smuts found it difficult to settle at Cambridge. He felt homesick and isolated by his age and different upbringing from the English undergraduates. Worries over money also contributed to his unhappiness, as his scholarship was insufficient to cover his university expenses. He confided these worries to Professor J. I. Marais, a friend from Victoria College. In reply, Professor Marais enclosed a cheque for a substantial sum, by way of loan, encouraging Smuts to let him know if he ever found himself in need again. [7] Thanks to Marais, Smuts's financial standing was secure. He gradually began to enter more into the social aspects of the university, although he retained a single-minded dedication to his studies. [8]

During this time in Cambridge, Smuts studied a diverse number of subjects in addition to law. He wrote a book, Walt Whitman: A Study in the Evolution of Personality it was not published until 1973, after his death. [9] But it can be seen that Smuts in this book had already conceptualized his thinking for his later wide-ranging philosophy of holism. [10]

Smuts graduated in 1894 with a double first. Over the previous two years, he had received numerous academic prizes and accolades, including the coveted George Long prize in Roman Law and Jurisprudence. [11] One of his tutors, Professor Maitland, a leading figure among English legal historians, described Smuts as the most brilliant student he had ever met. [12] Lord Todd, the Master of Christ's College, said in 1970 that "in 500 years of the College's history, of all its members, past and present, three had been truly outstanding: John Milton, Charles Darwin and Jan Smuts." [13]

In December 1894, Smuts passed the examinations for the Inns of Court, entering the Middle Temple. His old Cambridge college, Christ's College, offered him a fellowship in Law. Smuts turned his back on a potentially distinguished legal future. By June 1895, he had returned to the Cape Colony, determined to make his future there. [14]

Law and politics Edit

Smuts began to practise law in Cape Town, but his abrasive nature made him few friends. Finding little financial success in the law, he began to devote more and more of his time to politics and journalism, writing for the Cape Times. Smuts was intrigued by the prospect of a united South Africa, and joined the Afrikaner Bond. By good fortune, Smuts' father knew the leader of the group, Jan Hofmeyr. Hofmeyr in turn recommended Jan to Cecil Rhodes, who owned the De Beers mining company. In 1895, Smuts became an advocate and supporter of Rhodes. [15]

When Rhodes launched the Jameson Raid, in the summer of 1895–96, Smuts was outraged. Feeling betrayed by his employer, friend and political ally, he resigned from De Beers, and left political life. Instead he became state attorney in the capital of the South African Republic, Pretoria. [15]

After the Jameson Raid, relations between the British and the Afrikaners had deteriorated steadily. By 1898, war seemed imminent. Orange Free State President Martinus Steyn called for a peace conference at Bloemfontein to settle each side's grievances. With an intimate knowledge of the British, Smuts took control of the Transvaal delegation. Sir Alfred Milner, head of the British delegation, took exception to his dominance, and conflict between the two led to the collapse of the conference, consigning South Africa to war. [16]

The Boer War Edit

On 11 October 1899 the Boer republics declared war and launched an offensive into the British-held Natal and Cape Colony areas, beginning the Second Boer War of 1899–1902. In the early stages of the conflict, Smuts served as Paul Kruger's eyes and ears in Pretoria, handling propaganda, logistics, communication with generals and diplomats, and anything else that was required. In the second phase of the war, from mid-1900, Smuts served under Koos de la Rey, who commanded 500 commandos in the Western Transvaal. Smuts excelled at hit-and-run warfare, and the unit evaded and harassed a British army forty times its size. President Kruger and the deputation in Europe thought that there was good hope for their cause in the Cape Colony. They decided to send General de la Rey there to assume supreme command, but then decided to act more cautiously when they realised that General de la Rey could hardly be spared in the Western Transvaal. Consequently, Smuts was left with a small force of 300 men, while another 100 men followed him. By January 1902 the British scorched-earth policy left little grazing land. One hundred of the cavalry that had joined Smuts were therefore too weak to continue and so Smuts had to leave these men with General Kritzinger. Intelligence indicated that at this time Smuts had about 3,000 men. [17]

To end the conflict, Smuts sought to take a major target, the copper-mining town of Okiep in the present-day Northern Cape Province (April–May 1902). With a full assault impossible, Smuts packed a train full of explosives, and tried to push it downhill, into the town, in order to bring the enemy garrison to its knees. Although this failed, Smuts had proved his point: that he would stop at nothing to defeat his enemies. Norman Kemp Smith wrote that General Smuts read from Immanuel Kant's Critique of Pure Reason on the evening before the raid. Smith contended that this showed how Kant's critique can be a solace and a refuge, as well as a means to sharpen the wit. [18] Combined with the British failure to pacify the Transvaal, Smuts' success left the United Kingdom with no choice but to offer a ceasefire and a peace conference, to be held at Vereeniging. [17]

Before the conference, Smuts met Lord Kitchener at Kroonstad station, where they discussed the proposed terms of surrender. Smuts then took a leading role in the negotiations between the representatives from all of the commandos from the Orange Free State and the South African Republic (15–31 May 1902). Although he admitted that, from a purely military perspective, the war could continue, he stressed the importance of not sacrificing the Afrikaner people for that independence. He was very conscious that "more than 20,000 women and children have already died in the concentration camps of the enemy". He felt it would have been a crime to continue the war without the assurance of help from elsewhere and declared, "Comrades, we decided to stand to the bitter end. Let us now, like men, admit that that end has come for us, come in a more bitter shape than we ever thought." [19] His opinions were representative of the conference, which then voted by 54 to 6 in favour of peace. Representatives of the Governments met Lord Kitchener and at five minutes past eleven on 31 May 1902, the Acting State President of the South African Republic, Schalk Willem Burger signed the Treaty of Vereeniging, followed by the members of his government, Acting State President of the Orange Free State, Christiaan De Wet, and the members of his government. [20]

A British Transvaal Edit

For all Smuts' exploits as a general and a negotiator, nothing could mask the fact that the Boers had been defeated. Lord Milner had full control of all South African affairs, and established an Anglophone elite, known as Milner's Kindergarten. As an Afrikaner, Smuts was excluded. Defeated but not deterred, in January 1905, he decided to join with the other former Transvaal generals to form a political party, Het Volk ('The People'), [21] to fight for the Afrikaner cause. Louis Botha was elected leader, and Smuts his deputy. [15]

When his term of office expired, Milner was replaced as High Commissioner by the more conciliatory Lord Selborne. Smuts saw an opportunity and pounced, urging Botha to persuade the Liberals to support Het Volk's cause. When the Conservative government under Arthur Balfour collapsed, in December 1905, the decision paid off. Smuts joined Botha in London, and sought to negotiate full self-government for the Transvaal within British South Africa. Using the thorny political issue of South Asian labourers ('coolies'), the South Africans convinced Prime Minister Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman and, with him, the cabinet and Parliament. [15]

Through 1906, Smuts worked on the new constitution for the Transvaal, and, in December 1906, elections were held for the Transvaal parliament. Despite being shy and reserved, unlike the showman Botha, Smuts won a comfortable victory in the Wonderboom constituency, near Pretoria. His victory was one of many, with Het Volk winning in a landslide and Botha forming the government. To reward his loyalty and efforts, Smuts was given two key cabinet positions: Colonial Secretary and Education Secretary. [22]

Smuts proved to be an effective leader, if unpopular. As Education Secretary, he had fights with the Dutch Reformed Church, of which he had once been a dedicated member, which demanded Calvinist teachings in schools. As Colonial Secretary, he opposed a movement for equal rights for South Asian workers, led by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. [22]

During the years of Transvaal self-government, nobody could avoid the predominant political debate of the day: South African unification. Ever since the British victory in the war, it was an inevitability, but it remained up to the South Africans to decide what sort of country would be formed, and how it would be formed. Smuts favoured a unitary state, with power centralised in Pretoria, with English as the only official language, and with a more inclusive electorate. To impress upon his compatriots his vision, he called a constitutional convention in Durban, in October 1908. [23]

There, Smuts was up against a hard-talking Orange River Colony delegation, who refused every one of Smuts' demands. Smuts had successfully predicted this opposition, and their objections, and tailored his own ambitions appropriately. He allowed compromise on the location of the capital, on the official language, and on suffrage, but he refused to budge on the fundamental structure of government. As the convention drew into autumn, the Orange leaders began to see a final compromise as necessary to secure the concessions that Smuts had already made. They agreed to Smuts' draft South African constitution, which was duly ratified by the South African colonies. Smuts and Botha took the constitution to London, where it was passed by Parliament and given Royal Assent by King Edward VII in December 1909. [23]

The Old Boers Edit

The Union of South Africa was born, and the Afrikaners held the key to political power, as the majority of the increasingly whites-only electorate. Although Botha was appointed prime minister of the new country, Smuts was given three key ministries: Interior, Mines, and Defence. Undeniably, Smuts was the second most powerful man in South Africa. To solidify their dominance of South African politics, the Afrikaners united to form the South African Party, a new pan-South African Afrikaner party. [24]

The harmony and co-operation soon ended. Smuts was criticised for his overarching powers, and the cabinet was reshuffled. Smuts lost Interior and Mines, but gained control of Finance. That was still too much for Smuts' opponents, who decried his possession of both Defence and Finance, two departments that were usually at loggerheads. At the 1913 South African Party conference, the Old Boers (Hertzog, Steyn, De Wet), called for Botha and Smuts to step down. The two narrowly survived a confidence vote, and the troublesome triumvirate stormed out, leaving the party for good. [25]

With the schism in internal party politics came a new threat to the mines that brought South Africa its wealth. A small-scale miners' dispute flared into a full-blown strike, and rioting broke out in Johannesburg after Smuts intervened heavy-handedly. After police shot dead twenty-one strikers, Smuts and Botha headed unaccompanied to Johannesburg to resolve the situation personally. Facing down threats to their own lives, they negotiated a cease-fire. But the cease-fire did not hold, and in 1914, a railway strike turned into a general strike. Threats of a revolution caused Smuts to declare martial law. He acted ruthlessly, deporting union leaders without trial and using Parliament to absolve him and the government of any blame retroactively. That was too much for the Old Boers, who set up their own National Party to fight the all-powerful Botha-Smuts partnership. [25]

First World War Edit

During the First World War, Smuts formed the Union Defence Force. His first task was to suppress the Maritz Rebellion, which was accomplished by November 1914. Next he and Louis Botha led the South African army into German South-West Africa and conquered it (see the South-West Africa Campaign for details). In 1916 General Smuts was put in charge of the conquest of German East Africa. Col (later BGen) J.H.V. Crowe commanded the artillery in East Africa under General Smuts and published an account of the campaign, General Smuts' Campaign in East Africa in 1918. [26] Smuts was promoted to temporary lieutenant general on 18 February 1916. [27]

While the East African Campaign went fairly well, the German forces were not destroyed. Smuts was criticised by his chief Intelligence officer, Colonel Richard Meinertzhagen, for avoiding frontal attacks which, in Meinertzhagen's view, would have been less costly than the inconsequential flanking movements that prolonged the campaign where thousands of Imperial troops died of disease. Meinertzhagen believed Horace Smith-Dorrien (who had saved the British Army during the retreat from Mons), the original choice as commander in 1916 would have quickly defeated the German commander Colonel (later General) Paul Emil von Lettow-Vorbeck. As for Smuts, Meinertzhagen wrote: "Smuts has cost Britain many hundreds of lives and many millions of pounds by his caution. Smuts was not an astute soldier a brilliant statesman and politician but no soldier." [28] Meinertzhagen wrote these comments in October/November 1916, in the weeks after being relieved by Smuts due to symptoms of depression, and he was invalided back to England shortly thereafter. [29] Smuts was promoted to honorary lieutenant general for distinguished service in the field on 1 January 1917. [30]

Early in 1917 Smuts left Africa and went to London as he had been invited to join the Imperial War Cabinet and the War Policy Committee by David Lloyd George. Smuts initially recommended renewed western front attacks and a policy of attrition, lest with Russian commitment to the war wavering, France or Italy would be tempted to make a separate peace. [31] Lloyd George wanted a commander “of the dashing type” for the Middle East in succession to Murray, but Smuts refused the command (late May) unless promised resources for a decisive victory, and he agreed with Robertson that Western Front commitments did not justify a serious attempt to capture Jerusalem. Allenby was appointed instead. [32] Like other members of the War Cabinet, Smuts' commitment to Western Front efforts was shaken by Third Ypres. [33]

In 1917, following the German Gotha Raids, and lobbying by Viscount French, Smuts wrote a review of the British Air Services, which came to be called the Smuts Report. He was helped in large part in this by General Sir David Henderson who was seconded to him. This report led to the treatment of air as a separate force, which eventually became the Royal Air Force. [34] [35]

By mid-January 1918 Lloyd George was toying with the idea of appointing Smuts Commander-in-Chief of all land and sea forces facing the Turks, reporting directly to the War Cabinet rather than to Robertson. [36] Early in 1918 Smuts was sent to Egypt to confer with Allenby and Marshall and prepare for major efforts in that theatre. Before his departure, alienated by Robertson's exaggerated estimates of the required reinforcements, he urged Robertson's removal. Allenby told Smuts of Robertson's private instructions (sent by hand of Walter Kirke, appointed by Robertson as Smuts' adviser) that there was no merit in any further advance and worked with Smuts to draw up plans, reinforced by 3 divisions from Mesopotamia, to reach Haifa by June and Damascus by the autumn, the speed of the advance limited by the need to lay fresh rail track. This was the foundation of Allenby's successful offensive later in the year. [37]

Like most British Empire political and military leaders in World War I, Smuts thought the American Expeditionary Forces lacked the proper leadership and experience to be effective quickly. He supported the Anglo-French amalgamation policy towards the Americans. In particular, he had a low opinion of General John J. Pershing's leadership skills, so much so that he wrote a confidential letter to Lloyd George proposing Pershing be relieved of his command and that the US forces be placed "under someone more confident, like himself". This did not endear him to the Americans once it was leaked. [38]

Statesman Edit

Smuts and Botha were key negotiators at the Paris Peace Conference. Both were in favour of reconciliation with Germany and limited reparations. Smuts advocated a powerful League of Nations, which failed to materialise. The Treaty of Versailles gave South Africa a Class C mandate over German South-West Africa (which later became Namibia), which was occupied from 1919 until withdrawal in 1990. At the same time, Australia was given a similar mandate over German New Guinea, which it held until 1975. Both Smuts and the Australian Prime Minister Billy Hughes feared the rising power of Japan in the post First World War world. When former German East Africa was divided into three mandated territories (Rwanda, Burundi, and Tanganyika) Smutsland was one of the proposed names for what became Tanganyika. Smuts, who had called for South African territorial expansion all the way to the River Zambesi since the late 19th century, was ultimately disappointed with the League awarding South-West Africa only a mandate status, as he had looked forward to formally incorporating the territory to South Africa. [39]

Smuts returned to South African politics after the conference. When Botha died in 1919, Smuts was elected prime minister, serving until a shocking defeat in 1924 at the hands of the National Party. After the death of the former American President Woodrow Wilson, Smuts was quoted as saying that: "Not Wilson, but humanity failed at Paris." [40]

While in Britain for an Imperial Conference in June 1921, Smuts went to Ireland and met Éamon de Valera to help broker an armistice and peace deal between the warring British and Irish nationalists. Smuts attempted to sell the concept of Ireland receiving Dominion status similar to that of Australia and South Africa. [41]

As a botanist, Smuts collected plants extensively over southern Africa. He went on several botanical expeditions in the 1920s and 1930s with John Hutchinson, former botanist-in-charge of the African section of the Herbarium of the Royal Botanic Gardens and taxonomist of note. Smuts was a keen mountaineer and supporter of mountaineering. [42] One of his favourite rambles was up Table Mountain along a route now known as Smuts' Track. In February 1923 he unveiled a memorial to members of the Mountain Club who had been killed in World War I. [42]

In 1925, assessing Smuts's role in international affairs, African-American historian and Pan-Africanist W. E. B. Du Bois wrote in an article which would be incorporated into the pivotal Harlem Renaissance text The New Negro,

Jan Smuts is today, in his world aspects, the greatest protagonist of the white race. He is fighting to take control of Laurenço Marques from a nation that recognizes, even though it does not realize, the equality of black folk he is fighting to keep India from political and social equality in the empire he is fighting to insure the continued and eternal subordination of black to white in Africa and he is fighting for peace and good will in a white Europe which can by union present a united front to the yellow, brown and black worlds. In all this he expresses bluntly, and yet not without finesse, what a powerful host of white folk believe but do not plainly say in Melbourne, New Orleans, San Francisco, Hongkong, Berlin, and London. [43] [44]

In December 1934, Smuts told an audience at the Royal Institute of International Affairs that:

How can the inferiority complex which is obsessing and, I fear, poisoning the mind, and indeed the very soul of Germany, be removed? There is only one way and that is to recognise her complete equality of status with her fellows and to do so frankly, freely and unreservedly . While one understands and sympathises with French fears, one cannot, but feel for Germany in the prison of inferiority in which she still remains sixteen years after the conclusion of the war. The continuance of the Versailles status is becoming an offence to the conscience of Europe and a danger to future peace . Fair play, sportsmanship—indeed every standard of private and public life—calls for frank revision of the situation. Indeed ordinary prudence makes it imperative. Let us break these bonds and set the complexed-obsessed soul free in a decent human way and Europe will reap a rich reward in tranquility, security and returning prosperity. [45]

Though in his Rectorial Address delivered on 17 October 1934 at St Andrews University he states that:

The new Tyranny, disguised in attractive patriotic colours, is enticing youth everywhere into its service. Freedom must make a great counterstroke to save itself and our fair western civilisation. Once more the heroic call is coming to our youth. The fight for human freedom is indeed the supreme issue of the future, as it has always been. [46]

Second World War Edit

After nine years in opposition and academia, Smuts returned as deputy prime minister in a 'grand coalition' government under J. B. M. Hertzog. When Hertzog advocated neutrality towards Nazi Germany in 1939, the coalition split and Hertzog's motion to remain out of the war was defeated in Parliament by a vote of 80 to 67. Governor-General Sir Patrick Duncan refused Hertzog's request to dissolve parliament for a general election on the issue. Hertzog resigned and Duncan invited Smuts, Hertzog's coalition partner, to form a government and become prime minister for the second time in order to lead the country into World War II on the side of the Allies. [47]

On 24 May 1941 Smuts was appointed a field marshal of the British Army. [48]

Smuts' importance to the Imperial war effort was emphasised by a quite audacious plan, proposed as early as 1940, to appoint Smuts as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, should Churchill die or otherwise become incapacitated during the war. This idea was put forward by Sir John Colville, Churchill's private secretary, to Queen Mary and then to George VI, both of whom warmed to the idea. [49]

In May 1945, he represented South Africa in San Francisco at the drafting of the United Nations Charter. [50] Also in 1945, he was mentioned by Halvdan Koht among seven candidates that were qualified for the Nobel Prize in Peace. However, he did not explicitly nominate any of them. The person actually nominated was Cordell Hull. [51]

In domestic policy, a number of social security reforms were carried out during Smuts' second period in office as Prime Minister. Old-age pensions and disability grants were extended to 'Indians' and 'Africans' in 1944 and 1947 respectively, although there were differences in the level of grants paid out based on race. The Workmen's Compensation Act of 1941 “insured all employees irrespective of payment of the levy by employers and increased the number of diseases covered by the law,” and the Unemployment Insurance Act of 1946 introduced unemployment insurance on a national scale, albeit with exclusions. [52]

Smuts continued to represent his country abroad. He was a leading guest at the 1947 wedding of Princess Elizabeth and Philip, Duke of Edinburgh. [53] At home, his preoccupation with the war had severe political repercussions in South Africa. Smuts' support of the war and his support for the Fagan Commission made him unpopular amongst the Afrikaner community and Daniel François Malan's pro-apartheid stance won the Reunited National Party the 1948 general election. [50]

In 1948, he was elected Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, becoming the first person from outside the United Kingdom to hold that position. He held the position until his death two years later. [54]

He accepted the appointment as Colonel-in-Chief of Regiment Westelike Provinsie as from 17 September 1948. [55]

In 1949, Smuts was bitterly opposed to the London Declaration which transformed British Commonwealth into the Commonwealth of Nations and made it possible for Republics (such as the newly independent India) to remain its members. [56] [57] In the South African context, republicanism was mainly identified with Afrikaner Conservatism and with tighter racial segregation. [58]

On 29 May 1950, a week after the public celebration of his eightieth birthday in Johannesburg and Pretoria, Jan Smuts suffered a coronary thrombosis. He died of a subsequent heart attack on his family farm of Doornkloof, Irene, near Pretoria, on 11 September 1950. [50]

In 1899, Smuts interrogated the young Churchill, who had been captured by Afrikaners during the Boer War, which was the first time they met. The next time was in 1906, while Smuts was leading a mission about South Africa's future to London before Churchill, then Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies. The British Cabinet shared Churchill's sympathetic view, which led to self-government within the year, followed by dominion status for the Union of South Africa in 1910. Their association continued in World War I, when Lloyd George appointed Smuts, in 1917, to the war cabinet in which Churchill served as Munitions Minister. By then, both had formed a fast friendship that continued through Churchill's "wilderness years" and World War II, to Smuts's death. Lord Moran, Churchill's personal physician, wrote in his diary:

Smuts is the only man who has any influence with the PM indeed, he is the only ally I have in pressing counsels of common sense on the PM. Smuts sees so clearly that Winston is irreplaceable, that he may make an effort to persuade him to be sensible. [59]

Smuts and I are like two old love-birds moulting together on a perch, but still able to peck. [59]

Non-white suffrage Edit

At the Imperial Conference of 1925 Smuts stated:

If there was to be equal manhood suffrage over the Union, the whites would be swamped by the blacks. A distinction could not be made between Indians and Africans. They would be impelled by the inevitable force of logic to go the whole hog, and the result would be that not only would the whites be swamped in Natal by the Indians but the whites would be swamped all over South Africa by the blacks and the whole position for which the whites had striven for two hundred years or more now would be given up. So far as South Africa was concerned, therefore, it was a question of impossibility. For white South Africa it was not a question of dignity but a question of existence. [43] [44]

Holism and related academic work Edit

While in academia, Smuts pioneered the concept of holism, which he defined as "[the] fundamental factor operative towards the creation of wholes in the universe" in his 1926 book, Holism and Evolution. [60] Smuts' formulation of holism has been linked with his political-military activity, especially his aspiration to create a league of nations. As one biographer said:

It had very much in common with his philosophy of life as subsequently developed and embodied in his Holism and Evolution. Small units must develop into bigger wholes, and they in their turn again must grow into larger and ever-larger structures without cessation. Advancement lay along that path. Thus the unification of the four provinces in the Union of South Africa, the idea of the British Commonwealth of Nations, and, finally, the great whole resulting from the combination of the peoples of the earth in a great league of nations were but a logical progression consistent with his philosophical tenets. [61]

Segregation Edit

Smuts was, for most of his political life, a vocal supporter of segregation of the races, and in 1929 he justified the erection of separate institutions for blacks and whites in tones prescient of the later practice of apartheid:

The old practice mixed up black with white in the same institutions, and nothing else was possible after the native institutions and traditions had been carelessly or deliberately destroyed. But in the new plan there will be what is called in South Africa "segregation" two separate institutions for the two elements of the population living in their own separate areas. Separate institutions involve territorial segregation of the white and black. If they live mixed together it is not practicable to sort them out under separate institutions of their own. Institutional segregation carries with it territorial segregation. [62]

In general, Smuts' view of black Africans was patronising: he saw them as immature human beings who needed the guidance of whites, an attitude that reflected the common perceptions of most non-Africans in his lifetime. Of Africans he stated that:

These children of nature have not the inner toughness and persistence of the European, not those social and moral incentives to progress which have built up European civilization in a comparatively short period. [62]

Although Gandhi and Smuts were adversaries in many ways, they had a mutual respect and even admiration for each other. Before Gandhi returned to India in 1914, he presented General Smuts with a pair of sandals (now held by Ditsong National Museum of Cultural History) made by Gandhi himself. In 1939, Smuts, then prime minister, wrote an essay for a commemorative work compiled for Gandhi's 70th birthday and returned the sandals with the following message: "I have worn these sandals for many a summer, even though I may feel that I am not worthy to stand in the shoes of so great a man." [63]

Smuts is often accused of being a politician who extolled the virtues of humanitarianism and liberalism abroad while failing to practise what he preached at home in South Africa. This was most clearly illustrated when India, in 1946, made a formal complaint in the UN concerning the legalised racial discrimination against Indians in South Africa. Appearing personally before the United Nations General Assembly, Smuts defended the policies of his government by fervently pleading that India's complaint was a matter of domestic jurisdiction. However, the General Assembly censured South Africa for its racial policies [64] and called upon the Smuts government to bring its treatment of the South African Indians in conformity with the basic principles of the United Nations Charter. [64] [65]

At the same conference, the African National Congress President General Alfred Bitini Xuma along with delegates of the South African Indian Congress brought up the issue of the brutality of Smuts' police regime against the African Mine Workers' Strike earlier that year as well as the wider struggle for equality in South Africa. [66]

In 1948, he went further away from his previous views on segregation when supporting the recommendations of the Fagan Commission that Africans should be recognised as permanent residents of White South Africa, and not merely as temporary workers who belonged in the reserves. [67] This was in direct opposition to the policies of the National Party that wished to extend segregation and formalise it into apartheid. There is, however, no evidence that Smuts ever supported the idea of equal political rights for blacks and whites. Despite this, he did say:

The idea that the Natives must all be removed and confined in their own kraals is in my opinion the greatest nonsense I have ever heard. [68]

The Fagan Commission did not advocate the establishment of a non-racial democracy in South Africa, but rather wanted to liberalise influx controls of Africans into urban areas in order to facilitate the supply of African labour to the South African industry. It also envisaged a relaxation of the pass laws that had restricted the movement of Africans in general. [69]

In the assessment of South African Cambridge professor Saul Dubow, "Smuts's views of freedom were always geared to securing the values of western Christian civilization. He was consistent, albeit more flexible than his political contemporaries, in his espousal of white supremacy." [70]

Zionism Edit

In 1943 Chaim Weizmann wrote to Smuts, detailing a plan to develop Britain's African colonies to compete with the United States. During his service as Premier, Smuts personally fundraised for multiple Zionist organisations. [71] His government granted de facto recognition to Israel on 24 May 1948 and de jure recognition on 14 May 1949 (following the defeat of Smuts' United Party by the Reunited National Party in the 26 May 1948 General Election, 12 days after David Ben Gurion declared Jewish Statehood, the newly formed nation being given the name Israel). [72] However, Smuts was deputy prime minister when the Hertzog government in 1937 passed the Aliens Act that was aimed at preventing Jewish immigration to South Africa. The act was seen as a response to growing anti-Semitic sentiments among Afrikaners. [73]

Smuts lobbied against the White Paper of 1939, [74] and several streets and a kibbutz, Ramat Yohanan, in Israel are named after him. [72] He also wrote an epitaph for Weizmann, describing him as "the greatest Jew since Moses." [75] Smuts once said:

Great as are the changes wrought by this war, the great world war of justice and freedom, I doubt whether any of these changes surpass in interest the liberation of Palestine and its recognition as the Home of Israel. [76]

One of his greatest international accomplishments was the establishment of the League of Nations, the exact design and implementation of which relied upon Smuts. [77] He later urged the formation of a new international organisation for peace: the UN. Smuts wrote the first draft of the preamble to the United Nations Charter, and was the only person to sign the charters of both the League of Nations and the UN. He sought to redefine the relationship between the United Kingdom and her colonies, helping to establish the British Commonwealth, as it was known at the time. This proved to be a two-way street in 1946 the General Assembly requested the Smuts government to take measures to bring the treatment of Indians in South Africa into line with the provisions of the United Nations Charter. [64]

In 1932, the kibbutz Ramat Yohanan in Israel was named after him. Smuts was a vocal proponent of the creation of a Jewish state, and spoke out against the rising antisemitism of the 1930s. [78]

The international airport serving Johannesburg was known as Jan Smuts Airport from its construction in 1952 until 1994. In 1994, it was renamed to Johannesburg International Airport to remove any political connotations. In 2006, it was renamed again to its current name, OR Tambo International Airport, for the ANC politician Oliver Tambo. [79]

In 2004 Smuts was named by voters in a poll held by the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) as one of the top ten Greatest South Africans of all time. The final positions of the top ten were to be decided by a second round of voting but the program was taken off the air owing to political controversy and Nelson Mandela was given the number one spot based on the first round of voting. In the first round, Field Marshal Smuts came ninth. [80]

Mount Smuts, a peak in the Canadian Rockies, is named for him. [81]

Orders, decorations and medals Edit

Field Marshal Smuts was honoured with orders, decorations and medals from several countries. [82]


Friends and Enemies: The Natal Campaign in the South African War 1899-1902, Hugh Rethman - History

Presbyterian Church Archives

"The New Zealand Presbyterian Church and The Boer War 1899 - 1902"

Our Boer War Gallery features a rather eclectic range of ephemera relating directly to and associated with the era of the South African War of 1899-1902, commonly known in New Zealand as the Boer War. Long standing tensions between the semi-independant Boer South African Republic (Transvaal) and their ally, the Orange Free State, ultimately escalated into open conflict with the forces of the British Empire whose primary aim was to firmly establish and maintain British dominance in South Africa. Being the first overseas conflict to involve New Zealand troops we refer to this conflict as "The Boer War" rather than "The Second Boer War" which is the more accurate title.

Due to mounting tension in South Africa, New Zealand Premier Richard Seddon generously offered troops to assist Britain just two weeks before open conflict finally broke out on the 11th October 1899. By this date the first contingent of New Zealand volunteers were already preparing for departure. Upon the cessation of hostilities in 1902, ten contingents of New Zealand volunteers totalling nearly 6,500 men with 8,000 horses had sailed for South Africa, along with Doctors, Nurses, Veterinary Surgeons and a small number of school teachers. Seventy New Zealanders died in the war as the result of enemy action, with a rather sobering 158 killed accidentally or having died from disease [Source : NZHistory.net].

The purpose of this gallery is not to give a detailed account of the campaign - that is admirably done on other on-line sites - but to attempt, along with a varied range of ephemera, to document the varying and quite often outspoken attitude of the New Zealand Presbyterian Church clergy towards the war. Please take the time to read these fascinating excerpts. Our resources comprise in excess of 93 published articles, editorials and sermons from Presbyterian Church journals of the day, most of which contain a number of additional news items, public opinion, and extracts of war related news. We would welcome further academic study of this unique and fascinating resource.

Some highly recommended Boer War Resources with New Zealand content (including many other related links) may be found here :

We would value your comments and feedback : [email protected]

Presbyterian Church Archives Research Centre Home Page

Donald Cochrane
Curator of Photographs

11 Jan 1896 : “Still it is well to realise that the claim on us is not absolute…. And we are by no means clear that at least some of the present complications are not the result of injustice and aggression on the part of Englishmen. One cannot help feeling just a little sympathy with the Boers…. They wish to be left alone and go their own ways. Unfortunately the Transvaal turned out rich in gold. This attracted populace. And now this new and alien element desires a share in the government of the country… Covetousness and the lust for gold are at the root of most of our national troubles, and we have to be mindful that the appeal to our country’s honour is not made a stalking horse to cover the unhallowed designs of men aflame with no passion but the greed of gain.” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

A portrait of Queen Victoria, taken by Alexander Bassano at Osborne House, Isle of Wight in January 1897.

It was during the last couple of years of her record reign that Queen Victoria had to face the distressing news that hostilities had broken out between her British subjects and the Boers in South Africa. The honour and pride of Great Britain and her Empire were now at stake. Queen Victoria herself took the conflict very seriously and not wanting to appear unsympathetic to the sufferings of her subjects, promptly cancelled her regular annual holiday to the South of France. At the Queen's request, a great deal of detailed military information from her Ministers was daily laid before her to which she frequently responded with various suggestions - or rebukes - by post or cypher telegram.

After a siginificant British defeat in late 1899, she advised the Foreign Secretary, Arthur Balfour, "Please understand, Mr Balfour there is no one depressed in this house we are not interested in the possibilities of defeat they do not exist." She would have been astonished to know that her inspiring and patriotic words would be reproduced in print and circulated via millions of leaftets for morale-raising purposes during the Second World War.

21 Oct 1899 : “Cry Havoc and Let Slip the Dogs of War – It has come at last. The sword has been drawn in the Transvaal, and nothing apparently is left now but to settle our quarrels as the wild beasts do. That is what war is. It represents an utter breakdown of everything that can properly be called human.” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

The Rev Rutherford Waddell :

In his influential and priviledged position as Editor of the Presbyterian Journal "The Outlook" to 1901, the Rev. Rutherford Waddell actively expressed in published form - and no doubt also from the pulpit - his own strong anti-war sentiments and misgivings concerning the Boer war.

Originally from the Irish Presbyterian Church, the Rev Waddell became very well known as a social activist during his long tenure as Minister of St Andrew's Presbyterian Church Dunedin. Waddell is particularly well known, even today, by his 1888 sermon, "The Sin of Cheapness', which sought to highlight sweated labour, particularly the appalling working conditions of Dunedin's seamstresses. A resulting Royal Commission confirmed his allegations which lead to far reaching Government led reforms.

21 Oct 1899 : “Looked at from the Imperial point of view we are proud of the spirit of patriotism which the colonies display. In our own country it is gratifying to see the number that have volunteered for the Transvaal.… We have no desire to cheapen in the very slightest the acclaim which greets these volunteers. They are brave men, and they deserve and should receive our warmest applause and prayers. But… the present conflict is but an incident in that more terrible one between good and evil, between Christ and Satan…” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

The New Zealand Council of Christian Churches programme of the service to commend the Fourth Contingent of troops for South Africa to "The Safekeeping of Almighty God", celebrated at First Church Dunedin 24th March 1900.

[Ref : First Church of Otago collection]

21 Oct 1899 : “The soldiers of the Cross are at work every day. They are at work in Sabbath Schools, in mission halls, in churches… Is there anything like the same enthusiasm aroused by the labour of these? Into how many homes go the papers that tell of this warfare? What numbers volunteer for it. They are questions that do not admit of a very reassuring answer – and answer complimentary to the public interest in the great warfare of light with darkness…. The army that bears upon a crimson scroll, “Our glory is to slay” commands far more attention and stirs a deeper enthusiasm than that which bears the single line, “Our duty is to love” ” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

An original hand-written service telegram containing South African war news received by the Lake Wakatipu Mail and date stamped 17 August 1900 by the Queenstown Post and Telegraph Office. The original telegram has been notated by the Editor prior to the typesetter preparing the printing plates.

[Ref : First Church of Otago collection].

"One of [President] Kruger's sons was captured at Rustenburg. correspondent reports that 8000 Boers are strongly posted in the hills at Bottamely [sic.?]. "

28 Oct 1899 : [A correspondent] makes a very great mistake if he supposes that any veiled threat about the usefulness of ‘The Outlook’ being impaired by our inability to speak in laudatory [praising] terms of the war in South Africa, will effect us. We have not learned to write or speak under any such condition… We have our own version of things, thought out by ourselves, humble enough it may be, and probably lacking the effectiveness of [other British journals], but it is our own, and we are prepared, alike through sunshine and storm, to abide by it.” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

A colourful and nationalistically inspired fund-raising pamphlet issued by the Dunedin Patriotic Fund Committee in aid of the South African [Transvaal] War.


[Ref : First Church of Otago collection]

4 Nov 1899 : “Our position in regard to this war seems to be misunderstood. It can be stated in a sentence. We disapprove of the war…. But we applaud the patriotism of the colonies in sending help to the mother country. We honour the brave fellows who are taking their lives in their hand for the unity of the Empire… We cannot conscientiously agree that this was the best way out of the difficulty but it is the only way left to us now.” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

Pictured here in traditional Moderatorial dress as Moderator of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of New Zealand in 1901.

The Rev James Gibb of First Church Dunedin, although rather more restrained in his opinions that those of the Rev Waddell, still did not hesitate to openly voice his personal misgivings concerning the conflict. He cynically but quite correctly noted that the possible loss of valuable British vested interests - and greed - in South Africa may have been the root cause of the conflict. Gibb did however feel that British interests would be more beneficial to the indigenous black population. Interestingly, and particularly after The Great War of 1914-18, the Rev Gibb became a committed Pacifist, being instrumental in establishing the New Zealand League of Nations Union in 1921.

4 Nov 1899 : “Upon whom or what rests the responsibility of this appeal to the sword for settlement of the differences between Britain and the Boers it is impossible in the face of conflicting evidence to say. Is it the dogged obstinacy of the Boer or British lust for gold. My uncertainty has restrained my sympathy with the war fever now sweeping over the Empire.” – Rev Gibb sermon at First Church Dunedin 22 Oct 1899

A further two pages of the above original hand-written and notated service telegram containing South African war news and received by the Lake Wakatipu Mail, being date stamped 17 August 1900 at the Queenstown Post and Telegraph Office. Until the passing of "The Defence Act" of 1909 New Zealand had no nationally organised defence force or compulsory military training, therefore recruits for South Africa were of necessity drawn from trained Volunteer Corps throughout New Zealand.

The text also reads that "The Defence Committee have submitted report to N.Z. Parliament, recommending [that] services of all volunteer corps be accepted. It will bring [the] forces of colony [up] to 18,000 [men]."

[Ref : First Church of Otago collection]

Oct-Nov 1899 : The Synod [of Otago & Southland] records its satisfaction in the present manifestation of the unity of our Empire, and the steadfast loyalty of the nation to the throne of Her Gracious Majesty the Queen the Synod expresses sincere delight in the patriotism of our colonists and especially of our soldiers…. The Synod expresses the hope that the day may soon dawn when nations will find some way of settling their differences at once more reasonable, humane, and Christian than shedding each other’s blood.” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

"The Boer War, 1900" by Byam Shaw :

A notable work by the British Painter, Illustrator, Designer and Teacher, Byam Shaw (1872-1919), which graphically depicts the despair felt over the Boer War. The sub-title reads "Last summer green things were greener, brambles fewer, the blue sky bluer", being a quote from the English poet, Christina Rosetti.
Shaw was influenced in his style of painting by the Pre Raephelites, William Rosetti and John Millais. The original of this work, which dates from 1901, is now held by the Birmingham Museums and Art Gallery / The Bridgman Art Gallery.

[Ref : M. Watson Collection taken from "Bibby's Annual", c. 1902-05 and originally published by arrangement with the artist]

11 Nov 1899 : “Dr Copeland moved that the Synod [of Otago and Southland] regrets that damaging reflections were cast on the responsible members of the Imperial Government in respect to the outbreak of hostilities with the Boers… The Rev Mr Hewitson said he would move this amendment ‘ That the synod expresses its appreciation of the independent opinion on public questions – sometime unpopular questions – with which the Editor of the Outlook [Dr R Waddell] has done his work - and of the fullness and prominence he has always given to the opinion of those differing from him [Amendment passed 73 votes to Dr Copland’s 18 votes]”

Another original hand-written service telegram containing South African war news received by the Lake Wakatipu Mail and date stamped 20 August 1900 by the Queenstown Post and Telegraph Office.

[Ref : First Church of Otago collection].

This service telegram makes reference to the names of war invalids who sailed by the "Wilcannia" from Capetown South Africa on the 16th August 1900.

11 Nov 1899 : Letter to The Editor : “…Allow me to thank you for the articles which [others] wish to condemn… The question here is not so much whether or not our quarrel is a just one, but whether or not war could have been avoided without sacrificing the honour of Britain. The answer seems to be an emphatic Yes.” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

The second page of the above original hand-written service telegram containing South African war news received by the Lake Wakatipu Mail and date stamped 20 August 1900 by the Queenstown Post and Telegraph Office. News "pulled" from another newspaper and which expands on the telegraphed items has been affixed to the telegram for the typesetter to include instead of the original.

[Ref : First Church of Otago collection]

18 Nov 1899 : Letter to the Editor : “I don’t know that I agree with everything you advance in your weekly Notes but I certainly do admire your outspokenness… But the final verdict must be left to the future historian and probably that verdict will be… much against the righteousness of the Transvaal war…” [“The Outlook”]

The Boer War period brought forth a variety of patriotically inspired "war art", much of it portraying soldiers in heroic poses. This rather fanciful image is from the cover of a scrap album which we know commenced use in 1900. While the mounted rifleman is kitted out more or less in Boer war era kit, including his bullet belt draped over his shoulder his mount, sword and lance are more reminiscent of a jousting knight! Such nationalistic inspired images, often showing some considerable artistic licence, were a feature of this period.

[Ref : Rev A. Gray Collection]

23 Dec 1899 : “There may be differences of opinion about the cause or justice of the war. But it is no time to discuss these now. The ranks must be closed, and we must unite to see it through as quickly as possible. And above all, we must do our best to alleviate the suffering of the widows and orphans of those gallant fellows who have died in this war.” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

The Death of Queen Victoria :

In the midst of the Boer War, the sad news of Queen Victoria's death was announced on the 21st January 1901. The Queen's last formal public duty had in fact been to review Commonwealth troops at Windsor Castle on the 16th November 1900. Queen Victoria dutifully recorded the event in her personal journal :

After twelve went over to St George’s Hall. where I inspected about one hundred Colonial troops, who had been invalided [home]. There were Canadians, Australians, Tasmanians, New Zealanders and men from the Cape and Ceylon, representing forty-five regiments.

With some considerable speed the Wanganui Chronicle prepared an extra edition entirely devoted to the late Queen's Reign, this being an advertising flier for that publication.

6 Jan 1900 : “He [the Boer] is intensely religious… No wonder then that the Boers consider themselves God’s chosen people, and all others, notably the British – as his enemies.” – Rev GY Roby of Orepuki, for some years a Minister in the Transvaal. [“The Outlook”]

Memorial Services for the late Queen were held throughout New Zealand, the "United Memorial Service" at Mosgiel being an inter-denominational (Protestant) service held on the 2nd February 1901. The death of the reigning British Monarch has always been characterised in newspapers and published material by solid black borders.

Ref : Mosgiel Presbyterian Church collection]

17 Feb 1900 : “Our defeats may do us good if we take them the right way. There is no doubt that as a nation we were getting high-minded and losing the fear of the Divine. We were forgetting to bow our head to the God of Heaven… Our pride therefore, has been made for a little to lick the dust. And that is sometimes very wholesome medicine…” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

"A Crown of Glory that Fadeth Not Away."

The Trinity Presbyterian Church Nelson pulpit elegantly draped in mourning cloth, flags and garlands of flowers. We believe this photograph to have been taken after the death of Queen Victoria in 1901.

At services on the 28th January 1901, the Rev JH MacKenzie of Trinity Church Nelson preached to large congregations, his morning Sermon being from Ecclesiastes xii, verse 5 "The mourners go about the street", and in the evening from I Peter, chap. v, 4th verse "A crown of glory that fadeth not away." Special hymns were sung with the "Dead March" being played at both services.

The Rev Mackenzie held a Memorial service at 3pm on the 1st February, other denominations in Nelson holding services at different times that same day. The Queen's official funeral took place at St. George's Chapel, Windsor Castle, on the 2nd February 1901.

17 Feb 1900 : The Dunedin Presbytery, in the name of our Church, has made arrangements to present to each member of the Otago and Southland Contingent a copy of the New Testament, specially bound in khaki. Stamped in gold on the cover are the words, “The New Zealand Contingent, Transvaal 1900. In the centre the motto, “For God and the Right”. ” [“The Outlook”]

Private Gilbert left New Zealand for South Africa as an underage recruit with the 7th Contingent on the 6th April 1901. By the time of the Great War in 1914-1918 he was an ordained Minister of the Presbyterian Church of New Zealand, this time serving as a Chaplain to the Military Forces. This image portrays him during that latter period when serving as an Army Chaplain. His time serving as a Volunteer in the Boer War would have given him a unique understanding of the feelings and needs of men in time of war.

13 Feb 1900 : The Moderator The Right Rev DA Steele to the General Assembly, : “History will point to the war with all its errors and failures as one of the truest and most timely gifts of providence to the British Empire. The loyalty of Britain’s son’s to the British Empire may well teach us a lesson of loyalty to the great kingdom of Christ. The campaign for righteousness and liberty in Africa may well remind us of the holy war that must never cease till evil is everywhere overcome, and all the world won for Christ.”

Programme of the Visit of The Duke & Duchess of York :

George, Duke of Cornwall, being the only surviving son of Kind Edward VII, together with his wife Mary, Duchess of York, arrived in New Zealand on the Royal Yacht "Ophir" (accompanied by no less than six British warships) on the 11th June 1901 for an 18 day visit.

The primary reason for their visit had been to personally thank the country for supporting Britain in her conflict with the Boers in South Africa.

31 Mar 1900 : “Why members of the contingent were sent to the races and the theatre but could not be spared to assemble with their friends in religious worship is a question which both perplexes and alarms us. Is it that our military authorities think they can do without God if only they have men and money… It is only the fool who so thinks” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

The Duke and Duchess of York [later King George V and Queen Mary] stepping down from the dais after the formal laying of the foundation stone for the memorial statue to the late Queen Victoria in Queen's Garden's, Dunedin, Jun 1901. Police and uniformed military personnel are in evidence in the foreground.

[Ref : "The Outlook", 20 July 1911]

14 April 1900 : “We are fighting for the honour and integrity of our Empire… We are fighting for the existence and supremacy of the Anglo-Saxon race… We are fighting for the future of the native races and the progress of civilization in South Africa… We are fighting for the existence of Christianity and the mission fields which have been consecrated by the labours and lifeblood of Moffat, Livingstone… and other heroes of South Africa…” – Sermon by Rev W Scorgie, Mornington, Dunedin, 17 Feb 1900

A printed letter personally signed by the Duke of York thanking the citizens of Otago for their loyal address and welcome upon their visit to Dunedin from Tuesday 25th June 1901 to Thursday 27th June 1901.

14 April 1900 : “It has unmasked our enemies. It has proved we still have the fighting stuff of our fathers… It has revived the patriotism and federated our Empire… It has humbled our pride and purified our manhood… It has quickened amongst us the spirit of prayer…” - Sermon by Rev W Scorgie, Mornington, Dunedin 17 Feb 1900

A close-up of the above address which formally thanks Dunedin and the south for their support of "The Mother Country" and for the manning and equipping by the province of the Fourth Contingent. The address further notes:

". Dunedin stands unique in having sent from among its brave self-sacrificing daughters nurses to tend and care for the sick and wounded in South Africa".

30 June 1900 : One of the signs of the times is the Students’ Missionary Volunteer Conference…. The officers of the conference tell us that young men, the ablest in our universities, are offering for the foreign mission field as readily as men are offering for the South African campaign. … Be it ours, in the peace that follows the clash of armies, to carry on this spiritual warfare…” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

A Memorial plaque to Private Hugh Cameron Gillies, Reg No 3732, a salesman of Ravensbourne Parish Dunedin. Private Gillies of No 20 Company left on the "Cornwall" for South Africa as part of the Sixth Contingent on the 30th January 1901. He succumbed to enteric fever at Charlestown, Transvaal, on the 11th February 1902, being interred at Newcastle Cemetery, Natal, South Africa. Private Gillies was awarded the Queen's South Africa Medal, and five clasps - Cape Colony, Orange Free State, Transvaal, South Africa 1901, and South Africa 1902.

This plaque formerly resided in Ravensbourne Presbyterian Church but after the Church closed in recent years it was fittingly transferred to the local Community Hall. Unlike the First and Second World Wars, we currently know of no other memorials to individual Boer War soldiers, or to soldiers in general, being placed in any Presbyterian Churches. We would be interested to hear of and to see images of any such extant memorials.

The latin inscription translates as "It is sweet [or agreeable] and honorable to die for one's country" - Attrib. Horace [Quintus Horatius Flaccus], Roman Poet 65-8 B.C.

[Ref : West Harbour Parish Collection]

4 Aug 1900: Letter written from Bloemfontein by Nurse Williamson [of Dunedin] : “We take all the precautions we can, but nursing on active service, and nursing in hospitals well ventilated, with plenty of disinfectants to hand, are widely different things and here we are in the very thick of the worst forms of enteric [fever]. However we must do our duty, and hope for the best, knowing that our lives are in the hands of a Higher Power.” [“The Outlook”]

The Presbyterian Church of New Zealand Service Programme at First Church Dunedin on the 11th March 1902 to set apart the Rev Daniel Dutton as Chaplain to the Ninth Contingent and to commend him and his men to the safe-keeping of Almighty God.

[Ref : First Church of Otago collection]

16 Feb 1901 : “There is considerable wearing down of interest in regard to the South African campaign… it has become mere guerrilla warfare. The Boers are as elusive as air… It is certainly irritating to think of so many brave fellows still to die in quelling what has ceased to be legitimate warfare, and one is inclined to cry out for sharper methods. Yet we suppose patience must have its perfect work. We have to consider not only the bringing of an end to the war, but the pacification that has to follow. Swift, stern measures might end speedily the campaign but they might also leave undying hatred in the hearts of those we have hereafter to conciliate and govern…” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

The Rev Daniel Dutton of Caversham Presbyterian Church, pictured here in 1898

At age 50, appointed as Chaplain to the Caversham Rifles in 1900 selected as Captain-Chaplain to accompany the 9th New Zealand Contingent to South Africa in 1902. Rev Dutton sailed on "The Kent" 12 March 1902, returning the same year. Awarded QSA with clasps Transvaal and South Africa 1902.

Rev Dutton went on to serve as a Chaplain during World War One, retiring from Chaplaincy service as Lieutenant Colonel Chaplain, 10 May 1918.

Awarded 1914/15 Star, British War Medal, Victory medal.
Awarded New Zealand Service Medal (12 years)
Awarded New Zealand Long & Efficient Service Medal (16 years)

11 Jan 1902 : “Our attitude towards the Boers, as adopted by the newspapers and more specially the colonial newspapers, whose very headlines are meant to insult, is an exception to the British rule of treating an enemy with courtesy. Rarely is there even the briefest reference to their chivalry, although our contingent men are ready enough to acknowledge it in private” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

At the March 1901 meeting of the Rifle Association in Wanganui, Colonel Sutherland stated : "The war in South Africa has been a big lesson for us all it has shown the authorities that the force best adapted for such a war is the mounted rifleman - smart, active men, handy with horses, and men that know how to use a rifle. We have sent seven Contingents away, first class men, fearless riders, full of pluck and endurance. " [Wanganui Herald, 21 Mar 1901]

1 Feb 1902 : “In a few days 1000 more of our young men will have sailed for South Africa…. And no Chaplains are appointed! Are we a Christian country, and actually suffer 3,000 of the pick of our sons, or death without a man to encourage them to Christian practice, to cheer them in danger, to pray with them, and preach Christ to them. Let Presbyterians awake, and lead the van throughout New Zealand in demanding the removal of this insult to God and the moral and deterioration to our men. If the Government will not do it, mark it up against the next elections. Nay, I call upon Presbyterians to put their hands in their pockets… and show their zeal for God’s cause by subscribing ample funds to send three ministers… to meet the needs of our own men in the field…” Rev EC Tennent, Port Chalmers. [“The Outlook”]

Teachers For Afrikaner Women's Concentration Camps :

This notice taken from the Knox Church Dunedin "Quarterly Statement" for January - March 1902 records the presentation of bound Oxford Teacher's Bibles to Miss Helen McLeod and Miss Allanetta McLeod, both of Dunedin, and Miss Margaret Taylor of Mosgiel prior to their leaving for South Africa as teachers for children in Afrikaner Concentration camps established for non-combatant women.

(Ref : Knox Church Dunedin Collections, courtesy of Lyndall Hancock, Knox Church Archivist)

Overall, 20 teachers were chosen from 220 New Zealand applicants. The other women chosen from the Otago Southland region were Annie Rees of Dunedin, Jane Ralston of Blue Spur, and Elsie Jackson of Invercargill. Their is no record of how long the women stayed in South Africa, however it is recorded that the death rate in these camps from disease was appalling.

8 Feb 1902 : “The timely action of Dunedin Presbytery has borne good fruit, and in response to their communications, the Premier has intimated… that a Chaplain has been appointed to the Eight Contingent… This is a matter for sincere congratulations…” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

Frederick, First Earl Roberts 1932 - 1914

Field Marshall Lord Roberts, as Commander-in-Chief of the Forces in South Africa and one of the most succesful Commanders of the Victorian era, first relieved Kimberley then advanced his troops on Pretoria which surrendered to him on the 29th May 1900. Upon being relieved by General Kitchener [of Khartoum fame] in November 1900, Roberts returned to Britain to be showered with more awards and accolades. At his death in 1914 Roberts was afforded a Lying in State and a State Funeral, being the the first non-royal subject to be given both honours.

Ref : "The Outlook", 1st Dec 1914]

8 Feb 1902 : “…it is to be hoped that the chosen Chaplain will answer to the description given… ‘Of warm, sympathetic natures, robust bodies, and experience in riding, driving, and roughing it. Let them be men able to show that love of souls banishes fear of bullets, fatigue, hardships, and sickness, and our young men will reverence and listen to them.’” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

His Majesty King Edward VII ascended the throne 21 January 1901 upon the death of his mother, Queen Victoria. His strenuous efforts at maintaining peace throughout his Empire, and particularly in Europe, would earn him the title of"Edward The Peacemaker".

8 Mar 1902 : “The Seventh Contingent’s heavy loss on the battlefield enables us the better to realise the need of the adequate chaplaining of the Ninth Contingent. It is gratifying , therefore, to know, that… the Premier has appointed the Rev D. Dutton, of Caversham, Captain-Chaplain to the Ninth Contingent…. The least that the Presbyterians of this colony can do is to generously respond to the appeal from the Moderator. and furnish Chaplain Dutton with sufficient funds to enable him to play his part properly. The Premier was distinctly assured that if a Chaplain were appointed, the needed funds for his expenses would be forthcoming.” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

The formal crowning of King Edward VII took place at Westminster Abbey on the 9 Aug 1902.

Wanganui held a "United Gathering" in the Opera House to celebrate the Coronation under the auspices of the Wanganui [Protestant] Ministers Association. The Presbyterian Minister at St Paul's Wanganui, from whose collection this programme comes, read the opeining prayer.

The King's reign oversaw the last 17 months of the conflict which ended with a peace treaty being concluded on the 31st May 1902. Peace finally reigned supreme and the honour of Britian and her Empire had been secured.

7 June 1902 : “Peace at last! … Justice has triumphed over oppression the honour of the Empire has been vindicated… This colony, which has taken a foremost part in the struggle, whilst mourning the loss of so many of her brave sons… rejoices that the effort put forth has not been in vain but that the goal so steadily kept in view – viz, the supremacy of British rule in South Africa – has at last been attained. The vanquished Boers will, we trust, not be slow to respond to the clemency which Britons always know to extend to a fallen foe racial hatred should speedily vanish and Briton and Boer be united in a brotherhood which keeps ever in view the realisation of commercial, political, and religious freedom throughout South Africa.” [“The Outlook” Editorial]

The Troopers' Memorial Invercargill

Invercargill erected a memorial to their fallen in a prime position at the corner of Dee and Tay Streets, the Premier Sir Joseph Ward attending the dedication ceremony on the 3rd June 1908 . This tinted postcard image is most likely taken at about this time. An iron gate decorated with two 'crossed' rifles (which remain in situ) led via a decorative circular cast iron staircase (broken and now missing) to the upper level. The cost of the monument was met from public subscription plus £500 from the Transvaal War Patriotic Committee. The Cararra Italian marble statue of a Rifleman unfortunately fell and broke into three pieces whilst being hoisted into position but was skillfully repaired by the New Zealand resident craftsman, Carlo G. Bergamini (originally from Cararra himself), and today appears none the worse for this mishap.

The Boer War is almost exclusively commemorated today in the form of public memorials, the placing of memorials or windows in Churches and elsewhere not becoming commonplace until 'The Great War' of 1914-18.

14 June 1902 : “Let it be freely granted that the war now ended was on our part a just and an inevitable war. Had we declined the conflict or, having entered it had we been defeated or sheathed the sword before victory was, in the sight of the whole world manisfestly ours, the very existence of the Empire would have been imperilled. And apart from our patriotism, we as Christian must shudder to imagine the disaster which so far as we can see the overthrow of Britain would have meant for the kingdom of God” – Rev J Gibb addressing the Council of Christian Churches joint thanksgiving service at Dunedin. [“The Outlook”]

The Troopers' Memorial, Albert Park, Auckland

This marble memorial commemorates troops of the 5th Contingent who died in the South African War between 1900 to 1901. As with other memorials, the statue was presumably of Italian manufacture, however the base, which included a drinking fountain with water coming from the mouth of a lion, is by a local Stonemason, Mr W. Parkinson. Image taken circa 1913.

The memorial is now enclosed by an iron railing fence to deter vandalism. At least one of the large mounted coastal defence guns at right rear remains, we are unsure of the whereabouts of the classic Boer war era "pom pom" gun immediately behind the memorial.

[Ref : Rev LH Ker Collection A-S20-108]

28 Jun 1902 : “We thank God for deliverance from great peril to the State. We are told that [German Chancellor] Bismarck saw in the Boer republic the breaking of Great Britain, the wedge that, driven home would divide and shatter the Empire… Germany, France and Russia would have intervened…. The vultures would have devoured the carcass till only the bleached bones were left on the sand.” – Thanksgiving sermon by Rev Alex. White at Napier [“The Outlook”]

The Dutton Family Memorial Window, representing the Good Shepherd, Caversham Presbyterian Church Dunedin. Designed by Mr J Brock, the dedication of the window took place on Sunday the 25th August 1945.

The South African War Veteran's Association made a donation towards the cost of of this window in June 1945. [Ref : Caversham Parish Collection]

The war helped strengthen New Zealanders' sense of national pride and identity while at the same time strengthening the bond between New Zealand, Great Britain and the far flung British Empire as a whole. By 1907, and as part of this growing nationhood, New Zealand felt that it had outgrown the "colonial stage" and was now ready to assume the status of a Dominion, their request being formally granted the same year. New Zealand now assumed the new status of nationhood in its own right, even if theoretically very little changed in the way of governance.


Conclusion

Bill Nasson has demonstrated in his excellent studies of African service to the empire during the South African War and the First World War that a ‘vigorous, Western-educated minority’ ‘retain[ed] their optimistic faith in the British imperial project, despite its palpably wounding betrayal of their tenuous rights and interests’, until the end of empire and beyond. 168 These people were neither, as older generations of historical literature have presented them, colonial collaborators nor proto-nationalists, but pro-empire African and Asian liberals whose identities often centred on loyalism and respectability. Loyalism was not so simply a means to an end. Patriotism and service to the empire, specifically, was a ‘chance to acquire . a just and recognised status as loyal subjects of the Crown’. 169 Demonstrations of loyalty and patriotism were not inauthentic – a ‘subversive’ ploy – nor were they articulated without knowledge of the obvious inequality and abuses of colonial rule.

These respectables claimed British political traditions and claimed Britishness in an effort to transform the very un-British practices of colonial rule. As Leon de Kock argues, they demonstrated ‘evidence of desired identification with the colonizing culture as an act of affirmation, a kind of publicly declared “struggle” that does not oppose the terms of a colonial culture but insists on a more pure version of its originating legitimation’. 170 They imagined their political, cultural, and social universe as an imperial and transnational one. Educated in missionary and other British schools, these elites were nurtured by the British to be the intermediaries of empire. In embracing an imperial culture, however, the ‘native’ intelligentsia of India and South Africa, and other locales across the British Empire, articulated a vision of imperial citizenship that challenged the conceptual space between the theory and reality of British rule.

This emergence of this imperial political culture paralleled the development of the ritualistic practices described in Chapter 2. As British rule sought to appropriate one form of politics, which they imagined to be traditional and hierarchical, local respectables were forging a new one, which they imagined to be modern and cosmopolitan. While the colonial experiences of India and South Africa were unquestionably different, the development of comparable political practices and traditions and the emergence of a transnational class of Western-educated elites suggest the shared experiences of colonial rule across the global spaces of the British Empire. The historical actors of this chapter also demonstrate the limits of collaboration and resistance as ways of describing the colonial past.

Imperial citizenship represents a vibrant cultural and political tradition of the nineteenth- and early twentieth-century British world. Its failure as a discourse was as much about British inaction to live up to the promises of the liberal empire as violent and illiberal action. As a transitional period, the late nineteenth-century empire was a dynamic and interconnected political space where a modern, global politics of respectability and imperial citizenship was made. In this context, the nationalist political movements of the twentieth century have their origins in local political traditions as well as the intellectual milieu of imperial politics. The cosmopolitan and modern authors, intellectuals, and activists of this chapter are relevant and important to the history of Britain and Britishness, even if their claims to Britishness and citizenship fell on deaf ears. In the imperial networks of empire, their message was short-circuited, even if it importantly paralleled the efforts to foster a white imperial citizenship in Britain and the settler empire.


Saving Nelson Mandela: The Rivonia Trial and the Fate of South Africa

When South Africa's apartheid government charged Nelson Mandela with planning its overthrow in 1963, most observers feared that he would be sentenced to death. But the support he and his fellow activists in the African National Congress received during his trial not only saved his life, but also enabled him to save his country.

In Saving Nelson Mandela, South African law expert Kenneth S. Broun recreates the trial--called the "Rivonia" Trial after the Johannesburg suburb where police seized Mandela. Based upon interviews with many of the case's primary figures and portions of the trial transcript, Broun situates readers inside the courtroom at the imposing Palace of Justice in Pretoria. Here, the trial unfolds through a dramatic narrative that captures the courage of the accused and their defense team, as well as the personal prejudices that colored the entire trial. The Rivonia trial had no jury and only a superficial aura of due process, combined with heavy security that symbolized the apartheid government's system of repression. Broun shows how outstanding advocacy, combined with widespread public support, in fact backfired on apartheid leaders, who sealed their own fate.

Despite his 27-year incarceration, Mandela's ultimate release helped move his country from the racial tyranny of apartheid toward democracy. As documented in this inspirational book, the Rivonia trial was a critical milestone that helped chart the end of Apartheid and the future of a new South Africa.


History

For the period from the foundation of the Transvaal to 1872 see G. McCall Theal, History of South Africa since 1795 (5 vols., 1908 ed.) for general summaries consult Sir C. P. Lucas, History of South Africa to the Jameson Raid (Oxford, 1899), and F. R. Cana, South Africa from the Great Trek to the Union (1909). Also H. Kloessel, Die sii.dafrikanischen Republiken (Leipzig, 1888) D. Postma, Eenige schetsen voor eene geschiedenis van der Trekboeren (Amsterdam, 1897) A. Siedel, Transvaal (Berlin, 1900) J. F. v. Oordt, P. Kruger en de opkomst der Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek (Amsterdam, 1898) C. J. van der Loo, De Transvaal en Engeland (Zwolle, 1898 ed.) J. Poirier, Le Transvaal 1852-1899 (Paris, 1900) G. Demanche, " La 'Formation de la nation Boer," Rev. franCaise (1906), xxxi. For more detailed study, besides the Transvaal and British official publications (cf. Williams and Hicks, Selected O f ficial Documents, 1900), see Sir Percy Fitzpatrick, The Transvaal from Within (1899) A. Aylward, The Transvaal of To-day (Edinburgh, 1878) R. J. Mann, The Zulus and Boers of South Africa (1879) H. Rider Haggard, Cetywayo and his White Neighbours (1882) W. J. Leyds, The First Annexation of the Transvaal (1906) A. P. Hillier, Raid and Reform (1898) and South African Studies (1900) Report of the Trial of the (Johannesburg) Reform Prisoners (1896) Report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons on the Jameson Raid, Blue-book (165) of 1897 Report of the Select Committee of the Cape Parliament on the Jameson Raid (Cape Town, 1896) Jameson Trial, Transcript from Shorthand Writers' Notes and Copies of Exhibits (2 vols., 1896) E. T. Cook, Rights and Wrongs of the Transvaal War (1901) Lionel Phillips, Transvaal Problems (1905).

For the Majuba campaign, see Sir Wm. Butler, Life of Sir George Pomeroy Colley (1899), and the British Blue Books C. 2783, C. 2837, C. 2966 and C. 2950 of 1881. For the war of 1899-1902, see the British official History of the War in South Africa (4 vols., 1906-1910) " The Times " History of the War in South Africa (7 vols., 1900-1909) C. R. de Wet, Three Years' War (1902) Sir A. Conan Doyle, The Great Boer War (1902) German army staff, The War in South Africa, trans. by Colonel W. H. H. Waters (1904) L. Penning, De Oorlog in Zuid-Afrika (Rotterdam, 1899-1903) G. Gilbert, Guerre sud-africaine H. Langlois, Lessons of Two Recent Wars (Eng. trans., 1910) Handbook of the Boer War (1910). (F. R. C.)


Watch the video: 1899 Tweede Vryheidsoorlog